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the golden bough-及196准

弌傍 the golden bough 忖方 耽匈4000忖

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In the first place察it will not be disputed that what I have called the immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are identical in intention察in other words察that whether the evils are conceived of as invisible or as embodied in a material form察is a circumstance entirely subordinate to the main object of the ceremony察which is simply to effect a total clearance of all the ills that have been infesting a people。 If any link were wanting to connect the two kinds of expulsion察it would be furnished by such a practice as that of sending the evils away in a litter or a boat。 For here察on the one hand察the evils are invisible and intangible察and察on the other hand察there is a visible and tangible vehicle to convey them away。 And a scapegoat is nothing more than such a vehicle。

In the second place察when a general clearance of evils is resorted to periodically察the interval between the celebrations of the ceremony is commonly a year察and the time of year when the ceremony takes place usually coincides with some well´marked change of season察such as the beginning or end of winter in the arctic and temperate zones察and the beginning or end of the rainy season in the tropics。 The increased mortality which such climatic changes are apt to produce察especially amongst ill´fed察ill´clothed察and ill´housed savages察is set down by primitive man to the agency of demons察who must accordingly be expelled。 Hence察in the tropical regions of New Britain and Peru察the devils are or were driven out at the beginning of the rainy season察hence察on the dreary coasts of Baffin Land察they are banished at the approach of the bitter Arctic winter。 When a tribe has taken to husbandry察the time for the general expulsion of devils is naturally made to agree with one of the great epochs of the agricultural year察as sowing察or harvest察but察as these epochs themselves naturally coincide with changes of season察it does not follow that the transition from the hunting or pastoral to the agricultural life involves any alteration in the time of celebrating this great annual rite。 Some of the agricultural communities of India and the Hindoo Koosh察as we have seen察hold their general clearance of demons at harvest察others at sowing´time。 But察at whatever season of the year it is held察the general expulsion of devils commonly marks the beginning of the new year。 For察before entering on a new year察people are anxious to rid themselves of the troubles that have harassed them in the past察hence it comes about that in so many communities the beginning of the new year is inaugurated with a solemn and public banishment of evil spirits。

In the third place察it is to be observed that this public and periodic expulsion of devils is commonly preceded or followed by a period of general license察during which the ordinary restraints of society are thrown aside察and all offences察short of the gravest察are allowed to pass unpunished。 In Guinea and Tonquin the period of license precedes the public expulsion of demons察and the suspension of the ordinary government in Lhasa previous to the expulsion of the scapegoat is perhaps a relic of a similar period of universal license。 Amongst the Hos of India the period of license follows the expulsion of the devil。 Amongst the Iroquois it hardly appears whether it preceded or followed the banishment of evils。 In any case察the extraordinary relaxation of all ordinary rules of conduct on such occasions is doubtless to be explained by the general clearance of evils which precedes or follows it。 On the one hand察when a general riddance of evil and absolution from all sin is in immediate prospect察men are encouraged to give the rein to their passions察trusting that the coming ceremony will wipe out the score which they are running up so fast。 On the other hand察when the ceremony has just taken place察men's minds are freed from the oppressive sense察under which they generally labour察of an atmosphere surcharged with devils察and in the first revulsion of joy they overleap the limits commonly imposed by custom and morality。 When the ceremony takes place at harvest´time察the elation of feeling which it excites is further stimulated by the state of physical wellbeing produced by an abundant supply of food。

Fourthly察the employment of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat is especially to be noted察indeed察we are here directly concerned with the custom of banishing evils only in so far as these evils are believed to be transferred to a god who is afterwards slain。 It may be suspected that the custom of employing a divine man or animal as a public scapegoat is much more widely diffused than appears from the examples cited。 For察as has already been pointed out察the custom of killing a god dates from so early a period of human history that in later ages察even when the custom continues to be practised察it is liable to be misinterpreted。 The divine character of the animal or man is forgotten察and he comes to be regarded merely as an ordinary victim。 This is especially likely to be the case when it is a divine man who is killed。 For when a nation becomes civilised察if it does not drop human sacrifices altogether察it at least selects as victims only such wretches as would be put to death at any rate。 Thus the killing of a god may sometimes come to be confounded with the execution of a criminal。

If we ask why a dying god should be chosen to take upon himself and carry away the sins and sorrows of the people察it may be suggested that in the practice of using the divinity as a scapegoat we have a combination of two customs which were at one time distinct and independent。 On the one hand we have seen that it has been customary to kill the human or animal god in order to save his divine life from being weakened by the inroads of age。 On the other hand we have seen that it has been customary to have a general expulsion of evils and sins once a year。 Now察if it occurred to people to combine these two customs察the result would be the employment of the dying god as a scapegoat。 He was killed察not originally to take away sin察but to save the divine life from the degeneracy of old age察but察since he had to be killed at any rate察people may have thought that they might as well seize the opportunity to lay upon him the burden of their sufferings and sins察in order that he might bear it away with him to the unknown world beyond the grave。

The use of the divinity as a scapegoat clears up the ambiguity which察as we saw察appears to hang about the European folk´custom of carrying out Death。 Grounds have been shown for believing that in this ceremony the so´called Death was originally the spirit of vegetation察who was annually slain in spring察in order that he might come to life again with all the vigour of youth。 But察as I pointed out察there are certain features in the ceremony which are not explicable on this hypothesis alone。 Such are the marks of joy with which the effigy of Death is carried out to be buried or burnt察and the fear and abhorrence of it manifested by the bearers。 But these features become at once intelligible if we suppose that the Death was not merely the dying god of vegetation察but also a public scapegoat察upon whom were laid all the evils that had afflicted the people during the past year。 Joy on such an occasion is natural and appropriate察and if the dying god appears to be the object of that fear and abhorrence which are properly due not to himself察but to the sins and misfortunes with which he is laden察this arises merely from the difficulty of distinguishing察or at least of marking the distinction察between the bearer and the burden。 When the burden is of a baleful character察the bearer of it will be feared and shunned just as much as if he were himself instinct with those dangerous properties of which察as it happens察he is only the vehicle。 Similarly we have seen that disease´laden and sin´laden boats are dreaded and shunned by East Indian peoples。 Again察the view that in these popular customs the Death is a scapegoat as well as a representative of the divine spirit of vegetation derives some support from the circumstance that its expulsion is always celebrated in spring and chiefly by Slavonic peoples。 For the Slavonic year began in spring察and thus察in one of its aspects察the ceremony of carrying out Death would be an example of the widespread custom of expelling the accumulated evils of the old year before entering on a new one。

Chapter 58。 Human Scapegoats in Classical Antiquity。

1。 The Human Scapegoat in Ancient Rome

WE are now prepared to notice the use of the human scapegoat in classical antiquity。 Every year on the fourteenth of March a man clad in skins was led in procession through the streets of Rome察beaten with long white rods察and driven out of the city。 He was called Mamurius Veturius察that is察the old Mars察and as the ceremony took place on the day preceding the first full moon of the old Roman year which began on the first of March察the skin´clad man must have represented the Mars of the past year察who was driven out at the beginning of a new one。 Now Mars was originally not a god of war but of vegetation。 For it was to Mars that the Roman husbandman prayed for the prosperity of his corn and his vines察his fruit´trees and

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