the ancien regime(古兵团)-第9节
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do？
Some are surprised and puzzled when they find； in the French
Revolution of 1793； the noblest and the foulest characters labouring in
concert； and side by sideoften； too； paradoxical as it may seem； united in
the same personage。 The explanation is simple。 Justice inspired the one；
the other was the child of simple envy。 But this passion of envy； if it
becomes permanent and popular； may avenge itself； like all other sins。 A
nation may say to itself； 〃Provided we have no superiors to fall our pride；
we are content。 Liberty is a slight matter； provided we have equality。 Let
us be slaves； provided we are all slaves alike。〃 It may destroy every
standard of humanity above its own mean average； it may forget that the
old ruling class； in spite of all its defects and crimes； did at least pretend to
represent something higher than man's necessary wants； plus the greed of
amassing money； never meeting （at least in the country districts） any one
wiser or more refined than an official or a priest drawn from the peasant
class； it may lose the belief that any standard higher than that is needed；
and； all but forgetting the very existence of civilisation； sink contented
into a dead level of intellectual mediocrity and moral barbarism； crying；
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〃Let us eat and drink； for to…morrow we die。〃
A nation in such a temper will surely be taken at its word。 Where the
carcase is； there the eagles will be gathered together； and there will not be
wanting to such nationsas there were not wanting in old Greece and
Romedespots who will give them all they want； and more； and say to
them： 〃Yes； you shall eat and drink； and yet you shall not die。 For I；
while I take care of your mortal bodies； will see that care is taken of your
immortal souls。〃
For there are those who have discovered； with the kings of the Holy
Alliance； that infidelity and scepticism are political mistakes； not so much
because they promote vice； as because they promote （or are supposed to
promote） free thought； who see that religion （no matter of what quality） is
a most valuable assistant to the duties of a minister of police。 They will
quote in their own behalf Montesquieu's opinion that religion is a column
necessary to sustain the social edifice； they will quote； too； that sound and
true saying of De Tocqueville's： ｛1｝ 〃If the first American who might be
met； either in his own country； or abroad； were to be stopped and asked
whether he considered religion useful to the stability of the laws and the
good order of society； he would answer； without hesitation； that no
civilised society； but more especially none in a state of freedom； can exist
without religion。 Respect for religion is； in his eyes； the greatest
guarantee of the stability of the State； and of the safety of the community。
Those who are ignorant of the science of government； know that fact at
least。〃
M。 de Tocqueville； when he wrote these words； was lamenting that in
France； 〃freedom was forsaken；〃 〃a thing for which it is said that no one
any longer cares in France。〃 He did not； it seems to me； perceive that； as
in America the best guarantee of freedom is the reverence for a religion or
religions； which are free themselves； and which teach men to be free； so in
other countries the best guarantee of slavery is； reverence for religions
which are not free； and which teach men to be slaves。
But what M。 de Tocqueville did not see； there are others who will see；
who will say： 〃If religion be the pillar of political and social order； there
is an order which is best supported by a religion which is adverse to free
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thought； free speech； free conscience； free communion between man and
God。 The more enervating the superstition； the more exacting and
tyrannous its priesthood； the more it will do our work； if we help it to do
its own。 If it permit us to enslave the body； we will permit it to enslave
the soul。〃
And so may be inaugurated a period of that organised anarchy of
which the poet says：
It is not life； but death； when nothing stirs。
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LECTURE II
CENTRALISATION
The degradation of the European nobility caused； of course； the
increase of the kingly power； and opened the way to central despotisms。
The bourgeoisie； the commercial middle class； whatever were its virtues；
its value； its real courage； were never able to stand alone against the kings。
Their capital； being invested in trade； was necessarily subject to such
sudden dangers from war； political change； bad seasons； and so forth； that
its holders； however individually brave； were timid as a class。 They
could never hold out on strike against the governments； and had to submit
to the powers that were； whatever they were； under penalty of ruin。
But on the Continent； and especially in France and Germany； unable to
strengthen itself by intermarriage with the noblesse； they retained that
timidity which is the fruit of the insecurity of trade； and had to submit to a
more and more centralised despotism； and grow up as they could； in the
face of exasperating hindrances to wealth； to education； to the possession；
in many parts of France； of large landed estates； leaving the noblesse to
decay in isolated uselessness and weakness； and in many cases debt and
poverty。
The systemor rather anarchyaccording to which France was
governed during this transitional period； may be read in that work of M。 de
Tocqueville's which I have already quoted； and which is accessible to all
classes； through Mr。 H。 Reeve's excellent translation。 Every student of
history is； of course； well acquainted with that book。 But as there is
reason to fear； from language which is becoming once more too common；
both in speech and writing； that the general public either do not know it； or
have not understood it； I shall take the liberty of quoting from it somewhat
largely。 I am justified in so doing by the fact that M。 de Tocqueville's
book is founded on researches into the French Archives； which have been
made （as far as I am aware） only by him； and contains innumerable
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significant facts； which are to be found （as far as I am aware） in no other
accessible work。
The French peoplesays M。 de Tocquevillemade； in 1789； the
greatest effort which was ever made by any nation to cut； so to speak； their
destiny in halves； and to separate by an abyss that which they had
heretofore been； from that which they sought to become hereafter。 But
he had long thought that they had succeeded in this singular attempt much
less than was supposed abroad； and less than they had at first supposed
themselves。 He was convinced that they had unconsciously retained；
from the former state of society； most of the sentiments； the habits； and
even the opinions； by means of which they had effected the destruction of
that state of things； and that； without intending it； they had used its
remains to rebuild the edifice of modern society。 This is his thesis； and
this he proves； it seems to me； incontestably by documentary evidence。
Not only does he find habits which we supposeor supposed till latelyto
have died with the eighteenth century； still living and working； at least in
France； in the nineteenth； but the new opinions which we look on usually
as the special children of the nineteenth century； he shows to have been
born in the eighteenth。 France； he considers； is still at heart what the
Ancien Regime made her。
He shows that the hatred of the ruling cast
