the origins of contemporary france-2-第43节

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indistinguishable；　detached　monads　which　the　philosophers　insist　on

substituting　for　them。　　Their　association　need　not　be　created；　for

it　already　exists；　for　eight　centuries　they　have　a　〃common　weal　〃

（la　chose　publique）。　　The　safety　and　prosperity　of　this　common　weal

is　at　once　their　interest；　their　need；　their　duty；　and　even　their

most　secret　wish。　　If　it　is　possible　to　speak　here　of　a　contract；

their　quasi…contract　is　made　and　settled　for　them　beforehand。　　The

first　article；　at　all　events；　is　stipulated　for；　and　this　overrides

all　the　others。　　The　nation　must　not　be　dissolved。　　Public

authorities　must；　accordingly；　exist；　and　these　must　be　respected。

If　there　are　a　number　of　these；　they　must　be　so　defined　and　so

balanced　as　to　be　of　mutual　assistance；　instead　of　neutralizing　each

other　by　their　opposition。　　Whatever　government　is　adopted；　it　must

place　matters　in　the　hands　best　qualified　to　conduct　them。　　The　law

must　not　exist　for　the　advantage　of　the　minority；　nor　for　that　of

the　majority；　but　for　the　entire　community。　　　　In　regard　to　this

first　article　no　one　must　derogate　from　it；　neither　the　minority　nor

the　majority；　neither　the　Assembly　elected　by　the　nation；　nor　the

nation　itself；　even　if　unanimous。　　It　has　no　right　arbitrarily　to

dispose　of　the　common　weal；　to　put　it　in　peril　according　to　its

caprice；　to　subordinate　it　to　the　application　of　a　theory　or　to　the

interest　of　a　single　class；　even　if　this　class　is　the　most　numerous。

For；　that　which　is　the　common　weal　does　not　belong　to　it；　but　to　the

whole　community；　past；　present；　and　to　come。　　Each　generation　is

simply　the　temporary　manager　and　responsible　trustee　of　a　precious

and　glorious　patrimony　which　it　has　received　from　the　former

generation；　and　which　it　has　to　transmit　to　the　one　that　comes　after

it。　　In　this　perpetual　endowment；　to　which　all　Frenchmen　from　the

first　days　of　France　have　brought　their　offerings；　there　is　no　doubt

about　the　intentions　of　countless　benefactors；　they　have　made　their

gifts　conditionally；　that　is；　on　the　condition　that　the　endowment

should　remain　intact；　and　that　each　successive　beneficiary　should

merely　serve　as　the　administrator　of　it。　　Should　any　of　the

beneficiaries；　through　presumption　or　levity；　through　rashness　or

one…sidedness；　compromise　the　charge　entrusted　to　them；　they　wrong

all　their　predecessors　whose　sacrifices　they　invalidate；　and　all

their　successors　whose　hopes　they　frustrate。　　Accordingly；　before

undertaking　to　frame　a　constitution；　let　the　whole　community　be

considered　in　its　entirety；　not　merely　in　the　present　but　in　the

future；　as　far　as　the　eye　can　reach。　　The　interest　of　the　public；

viewed　in　this　far…sighted　manner；　is　the　end　to　which　all　the　rest

must　be　subordinate；　and　for　which　a　constitution　provides。　　A

constitution；　whether　oligarchic；　monarchist；　or　aristocratic；　is

simply　an　instrument；　good　if　it　attains　this　end；　and　bad　if　it

does　not　attain　it；　and　which；　to　attain　it；　must；　like　every

species　of　mechanism；　vary　according　to　the　ground；　materials；　and

circumstances。　　The　most　ingenious　is　illegitimate　if　it　dissolves

the　State；　while　the　clumsiest　is　legitimate　if　it　keeps　the　State

intact。　　There　is　none　that　springs　out　of　an　anterior；　universal；

and　absolute　right。　　According　to　the　people；　the　epoch；　and　the

degree　of　civilization；　according　to　the　outer　or　inner　condition　of

things；　all　civil　or　political　equality　or　inequality　may；　in　turn；

be　or　cease　to　be　beneficial　or　hurtful；　and　therefore　justify　the

legislator　in　removing　or　preserving　it。　　It　is　according　to　this

superior　and　salutary　law；　and　not　according　to　an　imaginary　and

impossible　contract；　that　he　is　to　organize；　limit；　delegate　and

distribute　from　the　center　to　the　extremities；　through　inheritance

or　through　election；　through　equalization　or　through　privilege；　the

rights　of　the　citizen　and　the　power　of　the　community。





III。



The　estates　of　a　society。　　…　Political　aptitude　of　the　aristocracy。

…　Its　disposition　in　1789。　　…　Special　services　which　it　might　have

rendered。　　…　The　principle　of　the　Assembly　as　to　original　equality。

…　Rejection　of　an　Upper　Chamber。　　…　The　feudal　rights　of　the

aristocracy。　　…　How　far　and　why　they　were　worthy　of　respect。　　…　How

they　should　have　been　transformed。　　…　Principle　of　the　Assembly　as

to　original　liberty。　　…　Distinction　established　by　it　in　feudal

dues；　application　of　its　principle。　　…　The　lacunae　of　its　law。　　…

Difficulties　of　redemption。　　…　Actual　abolition　of　all　feudal　liens。

…　Abolition　of　titles　and　territorial　names。　　…　Growing　prejudice

against　the　aristocracy。　　…　Its　persecutions。　　…　The　emigration。　　…



Was　it　necessary　to　begin　by　making　a　clean　sweep；　and　was　it

advisable　to　abolish　or　only　to　reform　the　various　orders　and

corporations？　　Two　prominent　orders；　the　clergy　and　the　nobles；

enlarged　by　the　ennobled　plebeians　who　had　grown　wealthy　and

acquired　titled　estates；　formed　a　privileged　aristocracy　side　by

side　with　the　Government；　whose　favors　it　might　receive　on　the

condition　of　seeking　them　assiduously　and　with　due　acknowledgment；

privileged　on　its　own　domains；　and　taking　advantage　there　of　all

rights　belonging　to　the　feudal　chieftain　without　performing　his

duties。　　This　abuse　was　evidently　an　enormous　one　and　had　to　be

ended。　　But；　it　did　not　follow　that；　because　the　position　of　the

privileged　class　on　their　domains　and　in　connection　with　the

Government　was　open　to　abuse；　they　should　be　deprived　of　protection

for　person　and　property　on　their　domains；　and　of　influence　and

occupation　under　the　Government。　　　A　favored　aristocracy；　when　it

is　unoccupied　and　renders　none　of　the　services　which　its　rank　admits

of；　when　it　monopolizes　all　honors；　offices；　promotions；

preferences；　and　pensions；＇12＇　to　the　detriment　of　others　not　less

needy　and　deserving；　is　undoubtedly　a　serious　evil。　　But　when　an

aristocracy　is　subject　to　the　common　law；　when　it　is　occupied；

especially　when　its　occupation　is　in　conformity　with　its　aptitudes；

and　more　particularly　when　it　is　available　for　the　formation　of　an

upper　elective　chamber　or　an　hereditary　peerage；　it　is　a　vast

service。　　　In　any　case　it　cannot　be　irreversibly　suppressed；　for；

although　it　may　be　abolished　by　law；　it　is　reconstituted　by　facts。

The　legislator　must　necessarily　choose　between　two　systems；　that

which　lets　it　lie　fallow；　or　that　which　enables　it　to　be　productive；

that　which　drives　it　away　from；　or　that　which　rallies　it　round；　the

public　service。　　In　every　society　which　has　lived　for　any　length　of

time；　a　nucleus　of　families　always　exists　whose　fortunes　and

importance　are　of　ancient　date。　　Even　when；　as　in　France　in　1789；

this　class　seems　to　be　exclusive；　each　half　century　introduces　into

it　new　families；　judges；　governors；　rich　businessmen　or　bankers　who

have　risen　to　the　tope　of　the　social　ladder　through　the　wealth　they

have　acquired　or　through　the　important　offices　they　have　filled；　and

here；　in　the　medium　thus　constituted；　the　statesman　and　wise

counselor　of　the　people；　the　independent　and　able　politician　is　most

naturally　developed。　　…　Because；　on　the　one　hand；　thanks　to　his

fortune　and　his　rank；　a　man　of　this　class　is　above　all　vulgar

ambitions　and　temptations。　　He　is　able　to　serve　gratis；　he　is　not

obliged　to　concern　himself　about　money　or　about　providing　for　his

family　and　making　his　way　in　the　world。　　A　political　mission　is　no

interruption　to　his　career；　he　is　not　obliged；　like　the　engineer；

merchant；　or　physician；　to　sacrifice　either　his　business；　his

advancement；　or　his　clients。　　He　can　resign　his　post　without　injury

to　himself　or　to　those　dependent　on　him；　follow　his　own　convictions；

resist　the　noisy　deleterious　opinions　of　the　day；　and　be　the　loyal

servant；　not　the　low　flatterer　of　the　public。　　Whilst；　consequently；

in　the　inferior　or　average　conditions　of　life；　the　incentive　is

self…interest；　with　him　the　grand　motive　is　pride。　　Now；　amongst　the

deeper　feelings　of　man　there　is　none　which　is　more　adapted　for

transformation　into　probity；　patriotism；　and　conscientiousness；　for

the　first　requisite　of　the　high…spirited　man　is　self…respect；　and；

to　obtain　that；　he　is　induced　to　deserve　it。　　Compare；　from　this

point　of　view；　the　gentry　and　nobility　of　England　with　the

〃politicians〃　of　the　United　States。　　…　On　the　other　hand；　with　equal

talents；　a　man　who　belongs　to　this　sphere　of　life　enjoys

opportunities　for　acquiring　a　better　comprehension　of　public　affairs

than　a　poor　man　of　the　lower　classes。　　The　information　he　requires

is　not　the　erudition　obtained　in　libraries　and　in　private　study。　　He

must　be　familiar　with　living　men；　and；　besides　these；　with

agglomerations　of　men；　and　even　more　with　human　organizations；　with

States；　with　Governments；　with　parties；　with　administrative　systems；

at　home　and　abroad；　in　full　operation　and　on　the　spot。　　There　is　but

one　way　to　reach　this　end；　and　that　is　to　see　for　himself；　with　his

own