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the coherence; denote as barbarous as a Thracian; or somewhat
like it; but what it properly signifies is not known。

(41) Spanheim takes notice that this Antiochus Dionysus 'the
brother of Philip; and of Demetrius Eucerus; and of two otbsrs'
was the fifth son of Antiochus Grypus; and that he is styled on
the coins; 〃Antiochus; Epiphanes; Dionysus。〃

(42) This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took
Damascus; and reigned there; which name became afterwards common
to such Arabian kings; both at Petra and at Damascus; as we learn
from Josephus in many places; and from St。 Paul; 2 Corinthians
11:32。 See the note on Antiq。 B。 XVI。 ch。 9。 sect。 4。

(43) We may here and elsewhere take notice; that whatever
countries or cities the Asamoneans conquered from any of the
neighboring nations; or whatever countries or cities they gained
from them that had not belonged to them before; they; after the
days of Hyrcanus; compelled the inhabitants to leave their
idolatry; and entirely to receive the law of Moses; as proselytes
of justice; or else banished them into other lands。 That
excellent prince; John Hyrcanus; did it to the Idumeans; as I
have noted on ch。 9。 sect。 1; already; who lived then in the
Promised Land; and this I suppose justly; but by what right the
rest did it; even to the countries or cities that were no part of
that land; I do not at all know。 This looks too like unjust
persecution for religion。

(44) It seems; by this dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his
wife; that he had himself pursued the measures of his father
Hyrcanus。 and taken part with the Sadducees; who kept close to
the written law; against the Pharisees; who had introduced their
own traditions; ch。 16。 sect。 2; and that he now saw a political
necessity of submitting to the Pharisees and their traditions
hereafter; if his widow and family minded to retain their
monarchical government or tyranny over the Jewish nation; which
sect yet; thus supported; were at last in a great measure the
ruin of the religion; government; and nation of the Jews; and
brought them into so wicked a state; that the vengeance of God
came upon them to their utter excision。 Just thus did Caiaphas
politically advise the Jewish sanhedrim; John 11:50; 〃That it was
expedient for them that one man should die for the people; and
that the whole nation perish not;〃 and this in consequence of
their own political supposal; ver。 48; that; 〃If they let Jesus
alone;〃 with his miracles; 〃all men would believe on him; and the
Romans would come and take away both their place and nation。〃
Which political crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth brought down the
vengeance of God upon them; and occasioned those very Romans; of
whom they seemed so much afraid; that to prevent it they put him
to death; actually to 〃come and take away both their place and
nation〃 within thirty…eight years afterwards。 I heartily wish the
politicians of Christendom would consider these and the like
examples; and no longer sacrifice all virtue and religion to
their pernicious schemes of government; to the bringing down the
judgments of God upon themselves; and the several nations
intrusted to their care。 But this is a digression。 I wish it were
an unseasonable one also。 Josephus himself several times makes
such digressions; and I here venture to follow him。 See one of
them at the conclusion of the very next chapter。

(45) The number of five hundred thousand or even three hundred
thousand; as one Greek copy; with the Latin copies; have it; for
Tigranes's army; that came out of Armenia into Syria and Judea;
seems much too large。 We have had already several such
extravagant numbers in Josephus's present copies; which are not
to he at all ascribed to him。 Accordingly; I incline to Dr。
Hudson's emendation here; which supposes them but forty thousand。

(46) This fortress; castle; citadel; or tower; whither the wife
and children of Aristobulus were new sent; and which overlooked
the temple; could be no other than what Hyrcanus I。 built;
(Antiq。 B。 XVIII ch。 4。 sect。 3;) and Herod the Great rebuilt;
and called the 〃Tower of Antonia;〃 Aatiq。 B。 XV。 ch。 11。 sect。 5。

BOOK 14 FOOTNOTES

(1) Reland takes notice here; very justly; how Josephus's
declaration; that it was his great concern not only to write 〃an
agreeable; an accurate;〃 and 〃a true〃 history; but also
distinctly not to omit any thing 'of consequence'; either through
〃ignorance or laziness;〃 implies that he could not; consistently
with that resolution; omit the mention of 'so famous a person as'
〃Jesus Christ。〃

(2) That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was also
Antipater or Antipas (which two may justly be esteemed one and
the same frame; the former with a Greek or Gentile; the latter
with a Hebrew or Jewish termination) Josephus here assures us;
though Eusebias indeed says it was Herod。

(3) This 〃golden vine;〃 or 〃garden;〃 seen by Strabo at Rome; has
its inscription here as if it were the gift of Alexander; the
father of Aristobulus; and not of Aristobulus himself; to whom
yet Josephus ascribes it; and in order to prove the truth of that
part of his history; introduces this testimony of Strabo; so that
the ordinary copies seem to be here either erroneous or
defective; and the original reading seems to have been either
Aristobulus; instead of Alexander; with one Greek copy; or else
〃Aristobulus the son of Alexander;〃 with the Latin copies; which
last seems to me the most probable。 For as to Archbishop Usher's
conjectures; that Alexander made it; and dedicated it to God in
the temple; and that thence Aristobulus took it; and sent it to
Pompey; they are both very improbable; and no way agreeable to
Josephus; who would hardly have avoided the recording both these
uncommon points of history; had he known any thing of them; nor
would either the Jewish nation; or even Pompey himself; then have
relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege。

(4) These express testimonies of Josephus here; and Antiq。 B。
VIII。 ch。 6。 sect。 6; and B。 XV。 ch。 4。 sect。 2; that the only
balsam gardens; and the best palm trees; were; at least in his
days; near Jericho and Kugaddi; about the north part of the Dead
Sea; (whereabout also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop;)
show the mistake of those that understand Eusebius and Jerom as
if one of those gardens were at the south part of that sea; at
Zoar or Segor; whereas they must either mean another Zoar or
Segor; which was between Jericho and Kugaddi; agreeably to
Josephus: which yet they do not appear to do; or else they
directly contradict Josephus; and were therein greatly mistaken:
I mean this; unless that balsam; and the best palm trees; grew
much more southward in Judea in the days of Eusebius and Jerom
than they did in the days of Josephus。

(5) The particular depth and breadth of this ditch; whence the
stones for the wall about the temple were probably taken; are
omitted in our copies of Josephus; but set down by Strabo; B。
XVI。 p。 763; from whom we learn that this ditch was sixty feet
deep; and two hundred and fifty feet broad。 However; its depth
is; in the next section; said by Josephus to be immense; which
exactly agrees to Strabo's description; and which numbers in
Strabo are a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus's
description also。

(6) That is; on the 23rd of Sivan; the annual fast for the
defection and idolatry of Jeroboam; 〃who made Israel to sin;〃 or
possibly some other fast might fall into that month; before and
in the days of Josephus。

(7) It deserves here to be noted; that this Pharisaical;
superstitious notion; that offensive fighting was unlawful to
Jews; even under the utmost necessity; on the Sabbath day; of
which we hear nothing before the times of the Maccabees; was the
proper occasion of Jerusalem's being taken by Pompey; by Sosius;
and by Titus; as appears from the places already quoted in the
note on Antiq。 B。 XIII。 ch。 8。 sect。 1; which scrupulous
superstition; as to the observation of such a rigorous rest upon
the Sabbath day; our Savior always opposed; when the Pharisaical
Jews insisted on it; as is evident in many places in the New
Testament; though he still intimated how pernicious that
superstition might prove to them in their flight from the Romans;
Matthew 25:20。

(8) This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero; who:
says; in his oration for Flaecus; that 〃Cneius Pompeius; when he
was conqueror; and had taken Jerusalem; did not touch any thing
belonging to that temple。〃

(9) Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed; and its
restoration by Pompey; see the note on the War; B。 I。 ch。 7。
sect。 7。

(10) Dean Prideaux well observes; 〃That notwithstanding the
clamor against Gabinius at Rome; Josephus gives him a able
character; as if he had acquitted himself with honor in the
charge committed to him〃 'in Judea'。 See at the year 55。

(11) This history is best illustrated by Dr。 Hudson out of Livy;
who says that 〃A。 Gabinius; the proconsul; restored Ptolemy of
Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews; while neither of them say
any thing new which is not in the other to his kingdom of Egypt;
and ejected Archelaus; whom they had set up for ki

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