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the golden bough-及55准

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 become at least more intelligible。 For察stripped of their fabulous element察tales of this sort mean no more than that a woman has been gotten with child by a man unknown察and this uncertainty as to fatherhood is more easily compatible with a system of kinship which ignores paternity than with one which makes it all´important。 If at the birth of the Latin kings their fathers were really unknown察the fact points either to a general looseness of life in the royal family or to a special relaxation of moral rules on certain occasions察when men and women reverted for a season to the licence of an earlier age。 Such Saturnalias are not uncommon at some stages of social evolution。 In our own country traces of them long survived in the practices of May Day and Whitsuntide察if not of Christmas。 Children born of more or less promiscuous intercourse which characterises festivals of this kind would naturally be fathered on the god to whom the particular festival was dedicated。

In this connexion it may be significant that a festival of jollity and drunkenness was celebrated by the plebeians and slaves at Rome on Midsummer Day察and that the festival was specially associated with the fireborn King Servius Tullius察being held in honour of Fortuna察the goddess who loved Servius as Egeria loved Numa。 The popular merrymakings at this season included foot´races and boat´races察the Tiber was gay with flower´wreathed boats察in which young folk sat quaffing wine。 The festival appears to have been a sort of Midsummer Saturnalia answering to the real Saturnalia which fell at Midwinter。 In modern Europe察as we shall learn later on察the great Midsummer festival has been above all a festival of lovers and of fire察one of its principal features is the pairing of sweethearts察who leap over the bonfires hand in hand or throw flowers across the flames to each other。 And many omens of love and marriage are drawn from the flowers which bloom at this mystic season。 It is the time of the roses and of love。 Yet the innocence and beauty of such festivals in modern times ought not to blind us to the likelihood that in earlier days they were marked by coarser features察which were probably of the essence of the rites。 Indeed察among the rude Esthonian peasantry these features seem to have lingered down to our own generation察if not to the present day。 One other feature in the Roman celebration of Midsummer deserves to be specially noticed。 The custom of rowing in flower´decked boats on the river on this day proves that it was to some extent a water festival察and water has always察down to modern times察played a conspicuous part in the rites of Midsummer Day察which explains why the Church察in throwing its cloak over the old heathen festival察chose to dedicate it to St。 John the Baptist。

The hypothesis that the Latin kings may have been begotten at an annual festival of love is necessarily a mere conjecture察though the traditional birth of Numa at the festival of the Parilia察when shepherds leaped across the spring bonfires察as lovers leap across the Midsummer fires察may perhaps be thought to lend it a faint colour of probability。 But it is quite possible that the uncertainty as to their fathers may not have arisen till long after the death of the kings察when their figures began to melt away into the cloudland of fable察assuming fantastic shapes and gorgeous colouring as they passed from earth to heaven。 If they were alien immigrants察strangers and pilgrims in the land they ruled over察it would be natural enough that the people should forget their lineage察and forgetting it should provide them with another察which made up in lustre what it lacked in truth。 The final apotheosis察which represented the kings not merely as sprung from gods but as themselves deities incarnate察would be much facilitated if in their lifetime察as we have seen reason to think察they had actually laid claim to divinity。

If among the Latins the women of royal blood always stayed at home and received as their consorts men of another stock察and often of another country察who reigned as kings in virtue of their marriage with a native princess察we can understand not only why foreigners wore the crown at Rome察but also why foreign names occur in the list of the Alban kings。 In a state of society where nobility is reckoned only through womenin other words察where descent through the mother is everything察and descent through the father is nothingno objection will be felt to uniting girls of the highest rank to men of humble birth察even to aliens or slaves察provided that in themselves the men appear to be suitable mates。 What really matters is that the royal stock察on which the prosperity and even the existence of the people is supposed to depend察should be perpetuated in a vigorous and efficient form察and for this purpose it is necessary that the women of the royal family should bear children to men who are physically and mentally fit察according to the standard of early society察to discharge the important duty of procreation。 Thus the personal qualities of the kings at this stage of social evolution are deemed of vital importance。 If they察like their consorts察are of royal and divine descent察so much the better察but it is not essential that they should be so。

At Athens察as at Rome察we find traces of succession to the throne by marriage with a royal princess察for two of the most ancient kings of Athens察namely Cecrops and Amphictyon察are said to have married the daughters of their predecessors。 This tradition is to a certain extent confirmed by evidence察pointing to the conclusion that at Athens male kinship was preceded by female kinship。

Further察if I am right in supposing that in ancient Latium the royal families kept their daughters at home and sent forth their sons to marry princesses and reign among their wives' people察it will follow that the male descendants would reign in successive generations over different kingdoms。 Now this seems to have happened both in ancient Greece and in ancient Sweden察from which we may legitimately infer that it was a custom practised by more than one branch of the Aryan stock in Europe。 Many Greek traditions relate how a prince left his native land察and going to a far country married the king's daughter and succeeded to the kingdom。 Various reasons are assigned by ancient Greek writers for these migrations of the princes。 A common one is that the king's son had been banished for murder。 This would explain very well why he fled his own land察but it is no reason at all why he should become king of another。 We may suspect that such reasons are afterthoughts devised by writers察who察accustomed to the rule that a son should succeed to his father's property and kingdom察were hard put to it to account for so many traditions of kings' sons who quitted the land of their birth to reign over a foreign kingdom。 In Scandinavian tradition we meet with traces of similar customs。 For we read of daughters' husbands who received a share of the kingdoms of their royal fathers´in´law察even when these fathers´in´law had sons of their own察in particular察during the five generations which preceded Harold the Fair´haired察male members of the Ynglingar family察which is said to have come from Sweden察are reported in the Heimskringla or Sagas of the Norwegian Kings to have obtained at least six provinces in Norway by marriage with the daughters of the local kings。

Thus it would seem that among some Aryan peoples察at a certain stage of their social evolution察it has been customary to regard women and not men as the channels in which royal blood flows察and to bestow the kingdom in each successive generation on a man of another family察and often of another country察who marries one of the princesses and reigns over his wife's people。 A common type of popular tale察which relates how an adventurer察coming to a strange land察wins the hand of the king's daughter and with her the half or the whole of the kingdom察may well be a reminiscence of a real custom。

Where usages and ideas of this sort prevail察it is obvious that the kingship is merely an appanage of marriage with a woman of the blood royal。 The old Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus puts this view of the kingship very clearly in the mouth of Hermutrude察a legendary queen of Scotland。 Indeed she was a queen察says Hermutrude察and but that her sex gainsaid it察might be deemed a king察nay and this is yet truer察whomsoever she thought worthy of her bed was at once a king察and she yielded her kingdom with herself。 Thus her sceptre and her hand went together。 The statement is all the more significant because it appears to reflect the actual practice of the Pictish kings。 We know from the testimony of Bede that察whenever a doubt arose as to the succession察the Picts chose their kings from the female rather than the male line。

The personal qualities which recommended a man for a royal alliance and succession to the throne would naturally vary according to the popular ideas of the time and the character of the king or his substitute察but it is reasonable to suppose that among them in early society physical strength and beauty would hold a prominent place。

Sometimes apparently the right to the hand of the princess and to the throne has been deter

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