the path of empire-第36节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



To　prevent　European　intervention　for　the　purpose　of　securing　just　claims　in　America；　then；　the　United　States　would　undertake　to　handle　the　case；　and　would　wield　the　〃Big　Stick〃　against　any　American　state　which　should　refuse　to　meet　its　obligations。　This　was　a　repetition；　in　a　different　tone；　of　Blaine's　〃Elder　Sister〃　program。　As　developed；　it　had　elements　also　of　Cleveland's　Venezuela　policy。　In　1907　the　United　States　submitted　to　the　Hague　Conference　a　modified　form　of　the　Drago　doctrine；　which　stated　that　the　use　of　force　to　collect　contract　debts　claimed　from　one　government　by　another　as　being　due　to　its　citizens　should　be　regarded　as　illegal；　unless　the　creditor　nation　first　offered　to　submit　its　claims　to　arbitration　and　this　offer　were　refused　by　the　nation　against　which　the　claim　was　directed。　The　interference　of　the　United　States；　therefore；　would　be　practically　to　hale　the　debtor　into　court。

Around　the　Caribbean；　however；　were　several　nations　not　only　unwilling　but　unable　to　pay　their　debts。　This　inability　was　not　due　to　the　fact　that　national　resources　were　lacking；　but　that　constant　revolution　scared　away　conservative　capital　from　seeking　constructive　investment　or　from　developing　their　natural　riches；　while　speculators　loaned　money　at　ruinous　rates　of　discount　to　tottering　presidents；　gambling　on　the　possibility　of　some　turn　in　fortune　that　would　return　them　tenfold。　The　worst　example　of　an　insolvent　and　recalcitrant　state　was　the　Dominican　Republic；　whose　superb　harbors　were　a　constant　temptation　to　ambitious　powers　willing　to　assume　its　debts　in　return　for　naval　stations；　and　whose　unscrupulous　rulers　could　nearly　always　be　bribed　to　sell　their　country　as　readily　as　anything　else。　In　the　case　of　this　country　President　Roosevelt　made　a　still　further　extension　of　the　Monroe　Doctrine　when；　in　1905；　he　concluded　a　treaty　whereby　the　United　States　agreed　to　undertake　the　adjustment　of　the　republic's　obligations　and　the　administration　of　its　custom　houses；　and　at　the　same　time　guarantee　the　territorial　integrity　of　the　republic。　This　arrangement　was　hotly　attacked　in　the　United　States　as　an　indication　of　growing　imperialism；　and；　though　it　was　defended　as　necessary　to　prevent　the　entrance　of　new　foreign　influences　into　the　Caribbean；　the　opposition　was　so　strong　that　the　treaty　was　not　accepted　by　the　Senate　until　1907；　and　then　only　in　a　modified　form　with　the　omission　of　the　territorial　guarantee。

For　the　United　States　thus　to　step　into　a　foreign　country　as　an　administrator　was　indeed　a　startling　innovation。　On　the　other　hand；　the　development　of　such　a　policy　was　a　logical　sequence　of　the　Monroe　Doctrine。　That　it　was　a　step　in　the　general　development　of　policy　on　the　part　of　the　United　States　and　not　a　random　leap　is　indicated　by　the　manner　in　which　it　has　been　followed　up。　In　1911　treaties　with　Nicaragua　and　Honduras　somewhat　similar　to　the　Dominican　protocol　were　negotiated　by　Secretary　Knox　but　failed　of　ratification。　Subsequently　under　President　Wilson's　Administration；　the　treaty　with　Nicaragua　was　redrafted　and　was　ratified　by　both　parties。　Hayti；　too；　was　in　financial　difficulties　and；　at　about　the　time　of　the　outbreak　of　the　Great　War；　it　was　reported　that　Germany　was　about　to　relieve　her　needs　at　the　price　of　harbors　and　of　control。　In　1915；　however；　the　United　States　took　the　island　under　its　protection　by　a　treaty　which　not　only　gave　the　Government　complete　control　of　the　fiscal　administration　but　bound　it　to　〃lend　an　efficient　aid　for　the　preservation　of　Haitian　independence　and　the　maintenance　of　a　government　adequate　for　the　protection　of　life；　property；　and　individual　liberty。〃

Since　1898；　then；　the　map　of　the　Caribbean　has　completely　changed　its　aspect。　The　sea　is　not　an　American　lake；　nor　do　the　Americans　wish　it　to　be　such。　In　time；　as　the　surrounding　countries　become　better　able　to　stand　alone；　direct　interference　on　the　part　of　the　United　States　will　doubtless　become　less　than　it　is　today。　There　is；　however；　practically　no　present　opportunity　for　a　non…American　power　to　establish　itself　and　to　threaten　the　commerce　or　the　canal　of　the　United　States。

Few　people　in　the　United　States　and　perhaps　fewer　in　the　countries　involved　realize　from　what　American　influence　has　saved　these　small　states。　A　glance　at　Africa　and　Asia　will　suggest　what　would　otherwise　have　been　the　case。　Without　the　United　States　and　its　leadership；　there　can　be　little　doubt　that　giant　semi…sovereign　corporations　owing　allegiance　to　some　great　power　would　now　possess　these　countries。　They　would　bristle　with　forts　and　police；　and　their　populations　would　be　in　a　state　of　absolute　political　and　of　quasi…economic　servitude。　They　might　today　be　more　orderly　and　perhaps　wealthier；　but　unless　the　fundamental　American　belief　in　democracy　and　self…government　is　wrong　they　would　be　infinitely　farther　from　their　true　goal；　which　involves　the　working　out　of　their　own　civilization。

The　Caribbean　is　but　a　portion　of　the　whole　international　problem　of　the　Americas；　and　the　methods　used　by　the　United　States　in　solving　its　problems　seemed　likely　to　postpone　that　sympathetic　union　of　the　whole　to　which　it　has　been　looking　forward　for　a　century。　Yet　this　country　has　not　been　unappreciative　of　the　larger　aspects　of　Pan…Americanism。　In　1899　President　McKinley　revived　Blaine's　project　and　proposed　a　Pan…American　congress。　To　popularize　this　idea；　a　Pan…American　Exposition　was　arranged　at　Buffalo　in　1901。　Here；　just　after　he　had　expounded　his　views　of　the　ties　that　might　bind　the　continents　together；　McKinley　was　assassinated。　The　idea；　however；　lived　and　in　the　same　year　a　congress　was　held　at　the　City　of　Mexico；　where　it　was　proposed　that　such　meetings　be　held　regularly。　As　a　result；　congresses　were　held　at　Rio　de　Janeiro　in　1906　and　at　Buenos　Aires　in　1910；　at　which　various　measures　of　common　utility　were　discussed　and　a　number　of　projects　were　actually　undertaken。

The　movement　of　Pan…Americanism　has　missed　achieving　the　full　hopes　of　its　supporters　owing　not　so　much　to　a　difference　of　fundamental　ideas　and　interests　as　to　suspicion　and　national　pride。　The　chief　powers　of　southern　South　AmericaArgentina；　Brazil；　and　Chilihad　by　the　end　of　the　nineteenth　century　in　large　measure　successfully　worked　out　their　own　problems。　They　resented　the　interference　of　a　power　of　alien　race　such　as　the　United　States；　and　they　suspected　its　good　intentions　in　wielding　the　〃Big　Stick；〃　especially　after　the　cavalier　treatment　which　Colombia　had　received。　They　observed　with　alarm　the　strengthening　of　the　grip　of　the　United　States　about　the　Caribbean。　United　in　a　group；　known　from　their　initials　as　the　〃A。B。C。〃　powers；　they　sought　to　assume　the　leadership　of　Latin　America；　basing　their　action；　indeed；　upon　the　fundamentals　of　the　Monroe　Doctrinethe　exclusion　of　foreign　influence　and　the　independence　of　peoples　but　with　themselves　instead　of　the　United　States　as　chief；　guardians。

Many　of　the　publicists　of　these　three　powers；　however；　doubted　their　capacity　to　walk　entirely　alone。　On　the　one　hand　they　noted　the　growing　influence　of　the　Germans　in　Brazil　and　the　indications　of　Japanese　interest　in　many　places；　and　on　the　other　they　divined　the　fundamental　sincerity　of　the　professions　of　the　United　States　and　were　anxious　to　cooperate　with　this　nation。　Not　strong　enough　to　control　the　policy　of　the　various　countries；　these　men　at　least　countered　those　chauvinists　who　urged　that　hostility　to　the　United　States　was　a　first　duty　compared　with　which　the　danger　of　non…American　interference　might　be　neglected。

Confronted　by　this　divided　attitude；　the　United　States　sought　to　win　over　but　not　to　compel。　Nothing　more　completely　met　American　views　than　that　each　power　should　maintain　for　itself　the　principles　of　the　Monroe　Doctrine　by　excluding　foreign　influences。　Beyond　that　the　United　States　sought　only　friendship；　and；　if　it　were　agreeable；　such　unity　as　should　be　mutually　advantageous。　In　1906　Elihu　Root；　the　Secretary　of　State；　made　a　tour　of　South　America　with　a　view　of　expressing　these　sentiments；　and　in　1913…1914　ex…President　Roosevelt　took　occasion；　on　the　way　to　his　Brazilian　hunting　trip；　to　assure　the　people　of　the　great　South　American　powers　that　the　〃Big　Stick〃　was　not　intended　to　intimidate　them。　Pan…American　unity　was　still；　when　President　Taft　went　out　of　office　in　1913；　an　aspiration　rather　than　a　realized　fact；　though　the　tangible　evidences　of　unity　had　vastly　multiplied　since　1898；　and　the　recurring　congresses　provided　a　basis　of　organization　upon　which　some　substantial　structure　might　be　built。

The　United　States　had　sincerely　hoped　that　Mexico；　like　the　〃A。B。C。〃　powers；　was　another　Latin　American　power　which　had　found　itself。　Of　all　it　was　certainly　the　most　friendly　and　the　most　intimate。　The　closeness　of　its　relations　with　the　United　States　is　indicated　by　the　fact　that　in　the　forty　years　between　1868　and　1908；　forty　agreements；　treaties；　and　conventions　had　been　concluded　between　the　two　countries。　Nor　was　intimacy　confined　to　the　Governments。　The　peace　arranged　by　President　Diaz　had　brought　foreign　capital　by　the　billion　to　aid　the　internal　development　of　the　country；　and　of　this　money　more　had　come　from　the　United　States　than　from　any　other　n